Footnotes/Further Reading
Footnote # 1
Some early explorers recognized the fact that many of these names referred to places more than to distinct tribal groups, for example:
I, Richard Waldern, being called by the Generall Court to give evidence of what I know about the name of Merremack River, testify & say that about thirty years since, having some commerce of trade wth the Indians at Pascataqua, and many other both of Paucatuck & Winnipicioket, did inquire what they called the river at Pennicooke. They said it is Merremack & inquiring why there were other names upon that river, the answer was, such names referred to the places of land where the Indians live upon the river, not the river itself.
May 17, 1665, New Hampshire Public Records Vol. I:289-290
Footnote # 2
Christopher Levett, writing of his 1628 meeting at Boothbay Harbour with the sachems or sagamores Sadamoyt, Manawormet, Opparunwit (Runnawit), Shedragusset (Squidrayset), Cogawesco, Somerset (Samoset), and Conway (Passaconnaway), all representing the Almouchiquois or Central Abenaki:
They asked me what I would do with my house, I told them I would leave ten of my men there until I came again, and that they should kill all the Tarrentens they should see (being enemies to them) and with whom the English have no commerce. At which they rejoiced exceedingly, and then spoke among themselves that when the time should be expired, which I spoke of for my return, every one at that place where he lived should look to the sea, and when they did see a ship they would send to all the sagamores in the country, and tell them that poor Levett was come again...
Levett [1628] 1843:175
Footnote # 3
See Pennacook Sokoki etc. 1977:8
Footnote # 4
On the twenty-fourth of April [1650], the Sokouckiois arrives, bringing a message on the part of four villages,— to wit, of the Sokouckiois [Sokoki], of the Pagamptagwe [Pocumtuck], of the Penagouc [Pennacook], and of the Mahingans [Mohican], situated on the river of manate [Hudson River]; he answers the propositions that I had made to him by word of mouth, last autumn, the eighteenth of November. (The Abnaquiois [Abenakis], joining me, had made a present to the Sokouckiois, of fifteen [wampum] collars, and ten or twelve porcelain [wampum] bracelets, which might be valued at seven or eight bundles of Beaver skins,—in order to say to them: " Do what Onontio [the French governor] and tekwirimaeth tell you.") He said that those four villages, having held a Council during three months of the past winter, had resolved to take the risks against the Iroquois with Onontio and Noel, whether the English did or did not undertake the war against the Iroquois; and...they will oppose every other nation whatsoever that may wish to make war toward Quebecq...
Father Gabriel Druillettes, 1650, in Jesuit Relations 1898, p. 100-101.
Footnote # 5
A long and inveterate animosity had subsisted between the Mohawks and the Indians of New England; the origin of which is...perhaps was not known by any of our historians; nor can the oldest man among the Mohawks to this day give any account of it. These Indians [Mohawks] were in a state of friendship with their English neighbors; and being a fierce and formidable race of men, their name carried terror whereever it was known. It was now thought that if they could be induced to prosecute their ancient quarrel with the Eastern Indians, the latter might be awed into peace, or incapacitated for any further mischief...It cannot, therefore, be thought strange that the friendly Indians were alienated from their English neighbors and disposed to listen to the seducing strategies of the French.
"The Mohawks and Blind Will" from the New Hampshire Province Papers, in Historical Indian-Colonial Relations of New Hampshire, 1977, p. 50-51.
Footnote # 6
gov. of boston this is to let you understand, how we have been abused. We love yo but...because there was war at naragans [Narragansett] you com here when we were quiet & took away our gons & mad prisners of our chief sagamore & that winter for want of gons there was several starved we count it killed with us...Now we hear that you say you will not leave war as long as one engon [Indian] is in the country we are owners of the country & it is wide and full of engons & we can drive you out but our desire is to be quiet...this is to let you know how major walldin [Waldron] served us...Major Wadin have been the cause of killing all that have bin killed this sommer.
July 1677, Diogenes Madoasquarbet, printed in Baxter Mss. Vol. 6: 177-1798.
Footnote # 7
17 June 1700. The four Indians who returned here are departing to day for Penikook with 25 others whom they have persuaded, in spite of all my efforts, to accompany them. They gave as a reason that the inhabitants of New Roxbury continually annoyed them, and when I was not satisfied, they said that the religion of the Penikook Indians was more beautiful than ours, for the French gave them silver crosses to wear on their necks, and they added that there was another strong reason which they could not tell but would soon by known.
James Labourie, Hugenot minister, writing to Bellemont about the sudden departure of a group of Nipmuc Indians from what is now Oxford, Massachusetts. CSP 1700: #619ii.
Footnote # 8
27 March 1700. We asked him if he knew any reason why so many Indians came from so many parts to Winnebessehkick [Winnespesauke] and there about and he owned that there was many Indians there but what their design was he knew not. Two days after he came again...he did say that last Summer there was a great plot among the Indians at Pennycook and Winnebessehkick and other Indians to make war with the English.
Baxter Mss. 1907 X:44
Footnote # 9
July 29, 1703. Jonathan Tyng reported 2 Indian men and Wattanummon's sister came from Pigwacket to tell him that 150 Indians armed and gathered at Chambly mear Mt. Real to go in 3 companies: one eastward, another to Merrimack, and third on the Connecticut River to insult the English settlements. Proposed to send 30 or 40 to scout Haverill to Marlborough and another party to go Haverill to Saco.
CSP 1702-1703: #969
Footnote # 10
My Master took away my English shoes and gave me Indian ones in the room of them which I think were better to travel in.
Stephen Williams, in John Williams, The Redeemed Captive, 1853:145
Footnote # 11
See John Farmer and J. B. Moore 1822-1824 1:128, 3:100